Biden ads try range of accents for Latinos
Targeted messaging, with diverse linguistic and cultural nuances, aims for high voter turnout in key states.
But the narrator for the version of the ad that aired in Miami had a Cuban accent. In Orlando, Fla., the accent was Puerto Rican. In Phoenix, it was Mexican.
Biden, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, is hoping to capture Florida and other pivotal states by pushing Latino turnout rates higher than they were when Hillary Clinton was defeated in 2016.
A key to doing that is a deeper understanding of Latino voters’ backgrounds, thanks to new advancements in “micro-targeting.” That means using data modeling of voter populations to produce ads and to customize outreach aimed at individual ethnic groups within the larger Latino community.
“We now have the capacity to do sub-ethnicity modeling,” Democratic National Committee Chairman Tom Perez, whose parents immigrated to the U.S. from the Dominican Republic, said on a recent conference call with Biden advisors.
“If you meet someone named Perez or Alex or Rodríguez in Florida, and you want them to vote for Joe Biden, one of the most important things you ought to learn about them is, are they Rodríguez, Alex or Perez
Campaigns often target voters with individualized messaging. It’s why presidential candidates stress one theme while trying to woo Black voters in the Midwest and another for white suburban women in the South.
Still, top Democrats are betting that subtle tweaks could pay big dividends. Latino turnout in 2016 fell to 47.6% of eligible voters in that group, down nearly three percentage points from 2008, according to U.S. Census surveys. Improving that figure, they argue, could potentially flip Florida and tighten the race in once steadfastly Republican Arizona.
Biden’s campaign calls hyper-competitive locales such as Florida “1% states,” and Perez points to the Democrats’ ability to micro-target by sub-ethnicity as the reason the party can be more successful with Latinos than it was in 2016.
It means “really understanding that we’re not a monolith,” said Julie Chávez Rodríguez, granddaughter of civil rights leader César Chávez and a senior advisor to Biden’s campaign. “It’s not about taking an English campaign ad and translating it into Spanish and considering that Latino outreach.”
Biden has ground to make up after strong Latino support lifted rival Bernie Sanders to Democratic primary victories in California and Nevada.
Rodríguez said Biden has since hired more Latinos throughout every level of his campaign, ensuring that they’re from various backgrounds. That allows for reaching voters using different cultural nuances and forms of Spanish, which can vary greatly by country.
It may be a tall order. Trump has used his sizable cash advantage over Biden to bolster his reelection campaign’s Latino outreach for more than a year. The Republican Party has itself sought to tailor different messages to voters with roots throughout Latin America. A natural fit is older Cuban Americans, who tend to be more conservative and fervently anti-communist.
Similar views can be found among some Venezuelans in the U.S. who ardently oppose President Nicolás Maduro. That was part of the reason Trump, who recently faced a backlash after suggesting he might meet with Maduro, quickly backtracked on the idea.
Bertica Cabrera Morris, a Latinos for Trump advisory board member, said heavy Democratic reliance on sub-ethnicity modeling could seem patronizing.
“What they’re doing is micro-targeting instead of realizing we’re just like the rest of the population,” Cabrera Morris said. “How dare you suggest my problems are different from yours?”
Andrea Mercado, executive director of the voter mobilization organization New Florida Majority, said that when it came to campaigns better understanding Latinos, “any advance is welcome,” but simply offering ads modified for different audiences isn’t enough.
“We’re looking for the necessary investments to persuade and mobilize Latinos at all levels of elected office,” Mercado said.
Still, individualized messaging may prove vital, especially in Florida, which has a deeply diverse Latino population encompassing people with roots in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Nicaragua and other South and Central American countries. Florida has more than 3 million eligible Latino voters, representing about 20% of total eligible voters statewide.
Democratic consultant Colin Rogero recalls once producing two versions of a Miami political ad featuring a grandmother talking kitchen-table issues that were identical — except for what she cooked: For Cuban neighborhoods, it was black beans and rice, and for Puerto Rican areas, it was red beans and rice.
“You’re not going to deliver a tortilla ad to Cubans in south Florida,” Rogero said. “They’ll go, ‘What the hell is this?’ ”
The Florida Democratic Party has completed a model of unregistered Puerto Ricans who have moved to the state in recent years and whose numbers swelled following Hurricane Maria’s devastation in 2017, said executive director Juan Peñalosa. The party used that model to create a mailer featuring a photo of Trump tossing rolls of paper towels to Puerto Ricans at an aid center after the storm.
Peñalosa said party staffers and volunteers had created customized talking points, such as Biden’s opposition to Maduro, to reach different Latino communities. Those talking points can be used by phone banks, which, along with texting and digital efforts, have become more vital as the COVID-19 pandemic has virtually suspended in-person campaigning.
In places such as Texas and California, Latino populations are mostly Mexican American. Still, targeted messaging can be used to better connect with pockets of Latinos in states that aren’t traditionally known for having many of them: Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in Pennsylvania, as well as Latinos of many backgrounds in Milwaukee’s suburbs.
Lorella Praeli, Clinton’s 2016 director of Latino outreach, said Latinos were long viewed as natural Democratic-leaning voters who simply needed to be mobilized. That often meant waiting until too late before an election to launch simple “get out the vote” initiatives, rather than organizing long-term, more expensive efforts to ensure that voters have a personal stake in voting.
“It is absolutely an improvement, and it is part of an evolution of really working to get it right,” Praeli, president of Community Change Action, said of sub-ethnicity modeling. “What you do with the data is how you get it right.”
